Return to FIRE home page

August, 2003

Women & War in Colombia:
“None of the Women Make the War, But They All Live It”

"For a home, a country, a planet free of war, fear and violence" (banner from Women's Peace March in Colombia, July 25, 2002)

By Margaret Thompson

The war – and that’s what it is – a war—in Colombia is fueled by oil and cocaine, although the latter receives the most attention in the headlines.   

And as most of the world’s eyes are on Iraq and the Middle East, $700 million in US tax money as part of Plan Colombia will be paid this year to fuel another VietNam-type war in Colombia, making it the second largest recipient of foreign aid after Israel.  With a total cost of over $2.5 billion since 2000 for Plan Colombia, most of the money actually goes to US arms and chemical corporations for weapons, helicopters and chemical fumigation. 

"Plan Colombia (is a) plan of death...don't kill the hope"
(Photo courtesy of Linda Panetta of SOA Watch NE)

Over 80 percent of the funds are targeted for military purposes, with a shrinking portion used for social and alternative development projects.  After 9-11, the military aid became part of the US war on terrorism, with more of the money being used for counter-insurgency operations rather than anti-narcotics efforts.  More than 10,000 Colombian soldiers have been trained at the US Army School of the Americas, and at least 800 US troops are currently located in Colombia, responsible for training and arming hundreds of soldiers there. 

And it is women who bear the brunt of this war, as with any war, as frequent victims of brutal rapes, kidnappings and murders, as well as being a majority of the millions of displaced within Colombia, who must flee for their lives with their children to try to escape from the conflict. 

But women are also active in numerous peace efforts, reported earlier by FIRE in Spanish, including hosting an International Peace Boat of women in November 2001, and a Women's Peace Consultation in May, 2002.  Then in July, 2002, women organized a massive Women's Peace March in Bogotá.  For the future, women are planning an International Tribunal of Colombian Women with the World Court of Women to be held later this year or early next, as described later in this report.


UN Declares Humanitarian Crisis in Colombia With 2 Million Displaced Persons

Despite massive amounts of funding, military hardware and training, the violence and human rights abuses are escalating, creating an ever more devastating impact on the civilian population. 
 

Photo of displaced woman in Putumayo
region of Colombia, courtesy of Linda Panetta, SOA Watch NE.

Economic blockades, abductions, assaults, torture and forced displacement are rampant, and violence against women including rape and forced servitude are systematic and widespread.  In 2001, more than 5,000 persons were murdered in executions and massacres, and today murders average 20 per day in some areas of the country.   Populations of Afro-Colombian and indigenous peoples are being hit the hardest.

 In 2002 an estimated 412,000 people were forced to flee their homes and lands as a result of the conflict, making a total of nearly 2 million displaced persons, 80% of whom are women and children.   Women more often shoulder the burden of forced displacement and as refugees, being mainly responsible for the children.  Many of the displaced families end up in overcrowded urban slums with no money or jobs, and are subject to widespread violence, sexual abuse, and addictions.


In June, 2003, the UN declared a humanitarian crisis in Colombia as a result of this internal displacement, and said it is currently one of the most serious worldwide.  Kenzo Oshima, UN’s Emergency Relief Coordinator noted that civilians have not only been caught in the crossfire in the conflict but have also been deliberately targeted as part of military and guerilla strategies to control specific access routes and territories.

 

US State Department Grants Human Rights Certification to Colombia

In July, 2003, contrary to overwhelming evidence, the US State Department authorized human rights certification for Colombia, releasing an additional $27 million in military aid.  However, independent human rights organizations have collected numerous reports of continued violations of human rights by paramilitary, Colombian security forces and guerilla groups against citizens, human rights activists, journalists, and politicians.  This is the fifth time in three years that such authorization has been given by the State Department, despite compelling evidence that none of the six conditions outlined in Public Law 108-7 required for release of foreign aid have been met.

"Women are right when they say that none of them make the war, but they all live it.  None of the massacres have been promoted by women but we all  suffer the consequences..."

(Gladis Zarate of Colombia)

According to Amnesty International, under the Uribe Administration, human rights defenders have been harassed, detained, killed, disappeared and threatened for criticizing the government.

 In an interview with FIRE, Gladis Zárate Cardenas, a refugee from Colombia who is currently living in Costa Rica, described recent international human rights reports that show that violations of human rights have increased by 55% over last year.  She also describes how war, including these violations are particularly hard on women:

According to Gladis:

The reports of the solidarity network include statistics that show are higher than last year’s human rights violations, a 55% increase over the year before, and the most affected are the women. 

"The UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women recognized when she went to Colombia, that women are the victims of war because of the collective violations.  It seems as if the war takes place in the bodies of women. 

"Amnesty International publishes in global media the human rights report and the report is very painful to read, and yet, Colombia was just certified by the US for human rights. 

"So you can see that there are other interests at play here.  All of the times I’ve been a political activist and community activist I’ve always heard about those reports, and they are the best reports, but they are only reports. 

"The paramilitaries kill the husbands of the women very brutally, and kidnap and rape their daughters. 

"And women go to be part of the guerilla movements, or part of the paramilitary because any of these two groups give them what they need to survive, including three meals a day, clothing, and money to go visit their families.  When one of these girls falls into the hands of the official military groups, they are forced into prostitution to get information. 

"And you can read this in the reports, I’m not making it up.  The reports are very clear, but they haven’t stopped being mere reports. 

"Children also get involved in the war, are forced to get involved in the war. 

"There is a the testimony of a 6-year-old girl who was raped, supposedly by the guerilla.  She identified the man, and  a paramilitary group killed the man in front of her, and she spent five years without speaking.  Today she is 11 and she was rescued by a women’s organization, and with therapy is beginning to be able to speak again. 

"In reports that I have found in Feminist International Radio Endeavour, because of the work you have done with the Colombian women, the women are right when they say that none of them make the war, but they all live it.  None of the massacres have been promoted by women but we suffer the consequences. 

"An activist of a political group which I was part of, when they wanted to do a process of the wars it was no longer valid for this group or for me or other women who are part of the process.  Gloria Cortez who was one of those who testified, she says that the armed groups stole the revolution from ordinary people.” 

 

  

Colombia War as Anti-Drug and Anti-Terrorism:  “A Big Lie”

Drugs are certainly a part of the war in Colombia, but to describe the conflict as mainly a fight against drugs and more recently, since 9-11, a fight against terrorism, “is a big lie,” according to Gladis.  Gladis talked to FIRE about the history of the conflict, which is based on enormous historic inequalities between the very rich and the poor, as well as among racial groups. 

She also talked about how narco-traffickers such has Pablo Escobar built public housing, hospitals and social programs for the poor communities, which the government had failed to do.

According to Gladis:

The issue of narco-trafficking started in the 1970s.  It became strong in the 1980s when the money of the drug dealers became part of the political campaigns for elections, and they introduced themselves into the political parties to be able to handle political power by corrupting the institutions. That was the first step. 

“And that’s what led to the deterioration of the situation and our society.  For example, Pablo Escobar who is very well known worldwide as a Colombian drug dealer, he’s probably more well known than any of the writers or painters or artists that we have in Colombia. 

"Who is Pablo Escobar?  He used to be a very poor person from Medellin.  History says he was a car thief, who began to traffic cocaine.  Drugs imply a lot of money, so what does Pablo Escobar do?  He begins to displace with social programs what the government and Colombian state did not do for people. 

"When Escobar was assassinated, people felt a lot of pain, because he built a lot of public housing, constructed hospitals, and financed many children to go and study. 

"The other part is that in Medillin with the money of the drug dealing the narco-traffickers began to make an army of young kids aged 14-23 and would gather children who had never had opportunities and turn them into the army of Pablo Escobar.  And that is these irregular paramilitary forces came to exist in Colombia. 

“The drug dealing created an underground economy, with a lot of money, too much money, around all of Colombia from drug dealing. 

"For example, a former president, Alfonso Lopez Michelsen met with the drug dealers in Colombia, and they proposed to him that they would pay the external debt of Colombia.  Of course the government did not accept, which was logical, but you can understand the amount of money.  So the drug dealers are very rich.; 

"There are different cartels and the Medellin cartel is just one of them.  And drugs are as common as oil in Colombia.  Simply, what happened is that when the drug dealing money started to appear it provided for the poorest people in the country, but of course in an illegal way. 

"For example, for a young person who is very poor and is offered money for doing certain tasks, it is very appealing.  The common situation is that investment in social projects has always been a necessity but it has been the drug dealers and not the government who have done it. 

"What else can I say about drug dealing?  There are peasants who are involved in it, many thousands of them, because the only thing that they have is to plant coca leaves. 

"For example, the media would interview Carlos Castano, and ask him what they thought about drug dealing and he would say, drug dealing is the best thing that could have happened in the country, because it has allowed us to finance ourselves.  They take care of the lands, they take care of the producers of the coca leaves, and the guerilla groups they do the same. 

“The military have always been involved in scandals, many of which were related to drug dealing. 

"I want to make it clear that the country is divided in many parts.  It is divided by race, because Colombian society has always excluded the black population.  And many of the 49 million people in my country who are poor. 

"The problem of drug dealing is that it is a multimillion dollar business, very exclusive, very lucrative, moreso when they finish with the cartels.  And the money is only for the very rich. 

"Our peasant and black populations, our poor people have been the dupes who are used by these people.  But Colombia is not a country of drug dealers. 

"From 1976 to 1978, the political group UPE, which became a [legalized] political group after an amnesty where the militants were from the old FARC.  Since that amnesty up until today, 4,000 militants of UPE have been assassinated.  But not one person has been detained by the law for these massive assassinations. 

"Let’s go back.  When the UPE accepted amnesty and became legal, and I was very young but I have always followed this, and they were making a proposal for a legalization of the drugs.  And there have been proposals about legalizing drugs, and the whole problem would be over. 

"But these proposals have never [been taken seriously] in the Colombian state or in the world governments.  And for a simple reason--because drug dealing provides a lot of money and a lot of profits, especially in the United States and also for those in Colombia who make the profits. 

"A lot of chemicals are needed for cocaine, and these chemicals are bought in the US.  So while there is a flow of a lot of money and those interests, it is going to be very difficult to break that cycle.

"Plan Colombia was a big pretext.  To say that the money for Plan Colombia is to combat terrorism and drugs, is a big lie.  The money of Plan Colombia has served the purpose of generating more violence and to promote the war. 

'So I feel that the people who are going to listen to these interviews ...[need to know that...the big problem is that we have a diversity [of natural resources] that is needed by the capitalist countries, and we have oil.  So this conflict that we are facing, there are other interests in this conflict. 

 

 

Plan Colombia and the Bush Administration:  Militarization Emphasized Over Peace Negotiations

The Bush administration describes its Andean Regional Initiative (ARI), which includes Colombia, as “a three-legged stool” of eradication, military assistance, and alternative development.  However, over 71% of the funds will go toward military efforts, including training and arming hundreds of Colombian troops, which means that the US is being drawn ever more deeply into this brutal internal conflict. 

The 24th Brigade, which is responsible for all military activities in the Putumayo region,
and is infamous for human rights abuses (photo courtesy of Linda Panetta of SOA Watch NE).

 In 2002 the peace talks between the Colombia government and guerrilla organizations broke down, resulting in even greater violence and violations of human rights, according to WOLA (Washington Office on Latin America).  And the right-wing Uribe administration which took power in August of 2002 has used the counterinsurgency emphasis against terrorism by the Bush Administration to its advantage by enacting a state of emergency and extremely restrictive security policies that give the military greater power, establish a civilian informer network, on suspected guerillas and civilians, and passing legislation that would allow wiretapping of telephones, e-mail, and other human rights violations.

Likewise, the Colombian Attorney General sought to block or hinder investigations of human rights violations involving senior level military officers, according to the Colombia Support Network.

A smaller portion of funds are earmarked for alternative development, and social and economic programs, including assistance for internally displaced persons; and judicial reform.   But according to the Colombia Support Network, despite some adjustments, Bush’s plan fails to adequately address concerns about human rights abuses or health and environmental damage, and does little to alleviate rural poverty, an underlying cause of the conflict.

 

US Oil Interests:  Black Gold Fuels the War

US oil companies have been one of the biggest lobbies for Plan Colombia...US tax money is being used to protect private corporate interests...a proposal passed in the US Congress allocates $98 million toward protection of an oil pipeline owned by US-based Occidental... Colombia is the 7th largest supplier of oil for the United States, and has become even more important with the current crisis in the Middle East.  Securing access to unexplored oil reserves is a major priority for the US transnational oil companies and Bush Administration.  Protests by indigenous groups whose lands are being threatened by these oil explorations have sparked deadly conflicts with the oil companies, who have secured private security protection in the form of paramilitary groups, despite their illegality.  Thus US oil companies have been one of the major lobbies for Plan Colombia, and particularly for military aid to Colombia.

This means that US tax money is being used to protect private corporate interests.  In particular, the US-owned oil company Occidental has won a proposal in the US Congress to allocate $98 million for 2004 for protection of the Caño-Limon Coveñas pipeline in the province of Arauca, to be used to support and train troops in the Colombian Army.  US troops are currently in Colombia training soldiers in counter-insurgency tactics in order to defend the pipeline from guerrilla bombings.  This also means that Colombian military are focusing their efforts on protecting private corporate interests rather than protecting civilians from attacks by armed groups.

The soldiers stationed in Arauca are part of the 18th Brigade and 46th Battalion, which are renowned for its human rights violations against civilians, including suspected massacres, according to the Colombia Support Network. 

According to CSN,

"The 18th Brigade is now engaged in psychological warfare in the town of Saravena, using clowns to earn the cooperation of children.  Accompanied by uniformed troops, the clowns move door to door handing out candy and leaflets that promise rewards to residents who provide information about guerrilla activities.  On Thursdays, children between the ages of three and twelve are invited to the military base to play 'Soldier for A Day.'  According to the Saravena base commander, Col. Santiago Herrera, 'We decided to concentrate on the children because it's the fastest way to reach their parents,' many of whom he suspects are guerrilla collaborators"  (Colombia Monitor, May, 2003) 

Although US law forbids granting military aid to suspected human rights violators, the recent human rights certification for Colombia by the Bush Administration is part of an overall trend toward easing these restrictions.


Anti-Drug Aerial Fumigation Program a Dismal Failure

Another portion of Plan Colombia involves funding for massive aerial fumigation, which observers say has been a dismal failure, because it has led to an actual increase in the number of hectares devoted to growing coca, as well as horrendous damage to health and the environment.  For example, in 1999, 60,000 hectares of Colombian coca (the raw material for cocaine) were fumigated, according to the Colombia Support Network.  But the total number of hectares under cultivation increased 60% that year.

And according to SOA Watch, the so-called "War on Drugs" has been a cash cow for the US multinational companies.  For example, of the $27 million spent on the 1994-98 drug eradication campaign, $20 million went directly to Monsanto, which manufactures the chemical sprays.

Lack of effectiveness of the aerial spraying campaign resulted in a call to increase the concentration of chemicals used, which is having an even more devastating impact on the overall ecology of the rainforests, as well as human health.  In July, a Bogotá judge ordered the suspension of aerial spraying with the herbicide glyphosate in indigenous communities in southeastern Colombia until the government investigates complaints of health and environmental damage. At the same time, the United Nations Drug Control Program in Colombia called for international monitoring to determine the safety and accuracy of aerial crop spraying, which it termed “inhumane” and “ineffective.”

Harmful effects of aerial fumigation on banana trees, pastures and watering ponds
(Photos courtesy of Witness for Peace-Colombia)

 

Listen to Gladis as she talks to FIRE about Plan Colombia, and particularly the terrible damage done by the fumigations of coca fields, to both human health and the environment:

"Plan Colombia was also presented as a social investment plan.  Why don’t they talk to the campesinos who plant the coca to ask them for proposals of what they want? 

"In some areas of the country this is done, but in other areas, they fumigate, with a fumigation chemical that ruins the land. 

"So they not only ended up with the land destroyed, but they hurt the campesinos because the land is rendered infertile, so we have to buy the agricultural products outside of the country, and it makes the situation worse. And that is what is happening. 

"The Ombudsman Office in Colombia for example, have protested the use of this chemical.  Pregnant women are very affected, children are born blind.  And it is the same chemical that is supposedly used as a fertilizer. 

 

Drawing by Colombian children in Putumayo of the before and after effects of fumigation on their lands (photo courtesy of Witness for Peace-Colombia).

 

Gladis continued:

We do not have many more alternatives because if the land becomes infertile, then the campesinos cannot plant anything, and we have to buy things from outside.  It’s a circle that regenerates itself round and round.  So the problem is more structural.

Neighboring countries around Colombia have expressed growing concerns that U.S. policy is leading to the “Colombianization” of the region. To address these concerns about spillover and instability, the ARI package includes increased security assistance to protect borders in Venezuela, Ecuador, and Brazil.

 

Women's Peace Efforts in Colombia

As in most conflicts and wars, women in Colombia have mostly been left out of the official peace negotiations.  However, women's groups involving participants from a variety of political, economic and social perspectives have been very active in leading a peace movement in Colombia.  Giving women a space to express their ideas about peace was the purpose of an International Peace Boat that visited Colombia in November, 2001.  Women from a variety of political perspectives in Colombia met and traveled on the boat from Venezuela to Ecuador for a week and through a consensus methodology called "Sintegration" developed a Consensus Peace Plan.  The boat was organized by Peace Boat, an international NGO (non-governmental organization) based in Tokyo, and also by Mujeres Colombianas Por la Paz (Colombian Women for Peace).

On May 8-9, 2002, a Women's Consultation for Peace was held by the National Peace Congress, designed to strengthen women's perspectives and participation in the Colombian Peace Process resulting in a Peace Declaration, in which the 120 participants outlined their analysis of the current armed conflict and proposals to bring peace in their country

Then on July 25, 2002, women organized a massive peace march involving 25,000 people through Bogotá.  Plans are currently underway to hold an International Tribunal of Women from Colombia who will give testimonies of their experiences in the current conflict, to be organized with the World Court of Women, either later in 2003 or early 2004. 

Women's Peace March with 25,000 participants in Bogotá on July 25, 2002, photos by FIRE

FIRE interviewed Consuelo Dávilos, a consultant from Colombia, who talked about the Women's Peace Boat, and also the current efforts to organize the International Tribunal on Women from Colombia:

click to listen


Global Image of Colombia as a Land of Drugs & Violence Greatly Misleading

Gladis spoke to FIRE about Colombia and what a beautiful and vast country it is.  She noted that the global image of her country as being mainly focused on drugs and violence is greatly distorted:

"Colombia is one of the biggest countries of South America.  It is a beautiful country.  We have about 7 million black people, and 80 indigenous communities.  We are 44 million Colombians.  We have people who are very happy, beautiful people, and people who are very good.  This is how I want to present my country.  "It’s a great country, very beautiful, very diverse.  It has amazing natural beauty, a lot of oil.  It has one of the biggest deposits of gold, emeralds, uranium and silver.  The Colombian Amazon is huge.  I repeat, its diversity is enormous, but it’s a very confusing country." 

 

FIRE asked Gladis what audience members can do to support peace efforts in Colombia:

According to Gladis:

"What I think [people] can do is to do the same that the Costa Rican people did for me (to listen and offer support).  That’s the first way of helping. 

"The second way—but let’s not put numbers—but another thing that could be done is to explain, to ask, to get informed.  There are many other media that are not the mainstream media who speak the reality of what is happening in our country.  Don’t be afraid of Colombians.  We are living in hell. 

"And the transnational corporations that have been supported by the governments that we have had have taken everything away from us.  The only thing they have not taken away from us is hope. 

"This I say because in the regions where the conflict is worse, they never stop having their feasts of the patron saints, the blacks have their parties, the carnivals continue to take place, because people continue living. 

"And that is what gives hope and a consistency to life.  And what they say is that if they haven’t robbed the soul from the people, then they haven’t taken everything away from us. 

"Colombians are very warm people, storytellers.  We are something different than what is portrayed in the media.  The way of helping us is that. 

 

 

Read several FIRE reports about Colombia in Spanish including coverage of women's peace initiatives.

For more information, and to find out what YOU can do to support peace efforts in Colombia, check out the following websites:

Mujeres Colombianas Por la Paz (Colombian Women for Peace)

Colombia Support Network

Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)

Witness for Peace

SOA Watch

 

Return to FIRE home page